The purpose of a political party is to win elections — period.
Dwayne Yancey’s recent piece in Cardinal News seeking Republican examples of ranked choice voting (RCV) overlooks compelling evidence of its recent success in winning three statewide offices in 2021.
Before implementing RCV for their 2021 statewide nomination contests, Virginia Republicans hadn’t won a statewide race in 12 years. Using RCV, they nominated Glenn Youngkin in a process that grew and unified their party leading to a historic sweep of governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general.
GOP Chair Rich Anderson told Governing Magazine: “Using ranked-choice voting in party-run nomination contests in Virginia has dramatically improved the precision and quality of Republican campaigns.”
The Republican brand in Virginia has rebounded in part through the use of RCV because it forced candidates and campaigns to focus on issues important to voters versus focusing on attacking fellow Republicans. Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s approval rating is in the high 50s. Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears and Attorney General Jason Miyares have avoided a nasty, divisive primary in 2025, and President Donald Trump improved his 2024 performance from 2020 in large part because the Virginia GOP is united, growing and working together.
Since 2020, the Republican Party of Virginia has successfully used RCV to select its chair, nominate three statewide candidates, and choose seven congressional nominees. Recent research from the Center for Campaign Innovation confirms the benefits: In Virginia’s 10th Congressional District, 84% of Republican primary voters said the RCV nomination produced positive campaigns, compared to just 59% in the traditional primary next door. The RCV nominee in the 10th emerged with significantly higher favorability ratings, and even the runners-up were viewed more positively than winners of traditional primaries.
Outside of Virginia in 2024, the Republican National Committee used ranked choice to raise money in email solicitations and the super PAC for Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis used RCV to determine issue sets and ad scripts.
There are three major elements to winning elections: candidate quality, political environment and money. RCV should be deployed by the GOP to produce better candidates, improve the political environment based on issues important to a majority of voters, and raise enough money to compete with the Democratic fundraising machine.
The 2023-24 election cycle demonstrates why conservatives should consider RCV in general elections, too.
In Virginia’s 2nd Congressional District, progressive dark money organizations called Voter Protection Project and Save Western Culture spent hundreds of thousands backing a conservative independent hoping to split the Republican vote and defeat incumbent Congresswoman Jen Kiggans.
While this gambit failed, RCV would have eliminated such cynical tactics entirely because its goal is producing a candidate who wins a majority of the vote. Thomas Jefferson cited the importance of a strong majority voting bloc as fundamental to a representative government as early as the 1780s. RCV helps achieve this foundational principle.
Nationally, the absence of RCV likely cost Republicans three U.S. Senate seats and three House races in 2024, with third-party spoilers exceeding razor-thin margins of defeat in Nevada, Wisconsin and Michigan. Meanwhile, in Alaska, Republican Nick Begich’s lead actually grew during the RCV count in his recent congressional victory.
The Lynchburg Ward IV race that Yancey questions actually shows why conservatives should support RCV. Rather than forcing voters to choose between party loyalty and their preferred candidate, RCV would allow full expression of voter preferences while keeping seats in Republican hands.
RCV’s momentum is building nationwide. Military and overseas voters have successfully used it for years. Alaska, Colorado, Michigan, Maine and Utah have adopted it for various elections. The system is tested and proven.
Here in Virginia, the legislature took a bipartisan step forward by passing HB1103 in 2020, giving localities the option to pilot RCV. The bill’s support from both conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats demonstrates its bipartisan appeal. The coming legislative session will consider expanding this local choice to other constitutional offices — a fundamentally conservative approach to electoral innovation.
The data is clear: RCV works for conservatives when they use it.
Ranking choices reduces negative campaigning, eliminates spoiler effects, saves taxpayer money by avoiding runoffs and helps nominate candidates who win general elections.
Former Virginia Gov. George Allen said it well: RCV doesn’t benefit one party over another — it benefits voters.
And when a majority of the voters agree on the outcome of an election, we all benefit.
Chris Saxman served in the House of Delegates from 2002-2010 as a Republican. He can be contacted at saxman8091@gmail.com.