By the time you read this, Democrat Abigail Spanberger will be rolling somewhere between Martinsville, Wytheville, Blacksburg and Roanoke on her eight-day bus tour.
Alas, that’s as far west as her bus tour goes, so that makes this a good time to remind her, and readers, about the list of 25 places in Southwest Virginia that candidates should see because they all might help inform future policy choices. She won’t get to any of them on this campaign swing. This is also a good time to remind everyone that you can drive three hours west of Wytheville and still not be in the state’s westernmost corner.
On the other hand, Republican Winsome Earle-Sears doesn’t put out a campaign schedule — or many policy statements, either, for that matter. Neither has she responded to multiple interview requests or our Voter Guide questionnaire (Spanberger has), so we’re not sure where she is, either physically or policy-wise.
That “25 places in Southwest Virginia that candidates should see” column got quite a lot of readers so, now that we have two full tickets in both parties, here’s a sequel: 25 places across the rest of Southwest and Southside Virginia that candidates should visit because they might learn something useful they could apply to policy decisions once they’re in office.
1. Interstate 81, especially between Christiansburg and Salem
There’s a reason the Canadian blues singer Sue Foley has a song called “81,” with the refrain “cruel old 81.” As she told Cardinal last year, she found driving the road on frequent trips between Ottawa and Nashville a pretty dreadful experience. Imagine how those of us who have to drive the road more often feel about this “two-headed snake that winds her tail,” as Foley sings. You simply have not experienced this part of Virginia until you’re stuck in traffic on I-81. Everybody probably has their own favorite stretch to complain about; mine is between Christiansburg and Salem, which seems especially prone to slowdowns.
Even when traffic is flowing, I-81 can be a horror: The basic problem is that the road wasn’t built for the amount of truck traffic it now has. Planners anticipated that about 15% of the traffic would be trucks; now that percentage tops 40% on some days in some places.
There are fixes underway, but the concern is that even more lanes won’t really fix the problem; they’ll just fill up, too. Want to talk transportation policy? Here’s a place to do it.
2. Solar farms across Southside Virginia
It’s clear that the next governor is going to spend a lot of time grappling with energy issues. A study by the General Assembly’s research arm warns that Virginia’s demand for electricity is going to triple by 2040 unless growth in energy-sucking data centers is restrained. Meanwhile, Virginia already imports more electricity than any other state — and that power tends to be expensive and more reliant on fossil fuels than what we produce in-state. In other words, we’re buying power that’s both expensive and dirty, something that ought to unite those who care about either cost or carbon. The solution: Virginia needs to generate more power. The Clean Economy Act (which Democrats love and Republicans hate) pushes utilities toward renewable energy. Even if it didn’t, though, the market reality is that solar power is the quickest and easiest power to get online. There’s a multiyear delay for gas plants, for instance. All that has led to a boom in solar farms across Southside Virginia; the region is now home to 48% of the state’s solar megawattage, according to the Solar Database run by the Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service at the University of Virginia. That’s not always been popular in some places.
Any candidate who is pro-solar needs to hear from people who think that solar farms are an ugly blight that’s turning their rural counties into industrial ones. Any candidate who is a solar skeptic needs to hear about how some otherwise conservative landowners love solar because it’s bringing in a new source of revenue — and how that’s the power source that a lot of tech companies prefer. That is not an issue that fits well onto a bumper sticker.
Of note: We had an interview with Spanberger on energy policy, where she said she was against mandating that rural localities accept solar facilities. We had an interview lined up with Earle-Sears, but her campaign canceled it in early May, citing “logistical issues,” and we haven’t heard back on our request since.
3. The nuclear industries in the Lynchburg area
Both Spanberger and Earle-Sears have expressed support for nuclear energy. Virginia already gets about one-quarter of its power from nuclear energy — the four reactors that Dominion Energy has at stations in Louisa County and Surry County. (Disclosure: Dominion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.) The rap against nuclear (other than, you know, accidents such as Three Mile Island or Chernobyl) is that it takes a long time to build and produces expensive power. The industry talk these days is about a new species of reactors — small modular reactors or SMRs. The theory is that they can be built more quickly and therefore be less expensive. So far, that’s just a theory because none are in operation outside Russia or China. However, there’s lots of interest from utilities across the United States and Canada. There’s an SMR under construction in Ontario. In Virginia, both Dominion and Appalachian Power have set in motion plans for SMRs — Dominion at its North Anna nuclear power station in Louisa County and at the Naval Weapons Station in Yorktown; Appalachian Power at its Joshua Falls substation in Campbell County. All those would be good places for a candidate for statewide office to visit. However, I’d suggest going to the source — the nuclear companies in Lynchburg (BWX Technologies and Framatome) as places to learn more about nuclear power.
4. The Mountain Valley Pipeline, from Giles County to Pittsylvania County
This natural gas pipeline was first proposed in 2014 and took a decade to build, after court cases, permit problems and protests. It eventually took a literal act of Congress to get the pipeline approved, with a provision in the Inflation Reduction Act that allowed the project to bypass the courts. That was the price for the vote of Sen. Joe Manchin, then D-W.Va., which forced a tie vote in the Senate that Vice President Kamala Harris then broke in favor of the measure. For some, this is much-needed infrastructure that helps promote energy independence and additional sources of gas to the Roanoke Valley. For others, this is a horrible scar across the landscape and the climate impact of 23 coal plants. Whatever a candidate’s views are, they ought to see the pipeline so they can speak with more firsthand authority on the matter.
5. The Rocky Forge wind project, Botetourt County
What will be Virginia’s first on-shore commercial wind farm is currently under construction on a mountain north of Eagle Rock. It’s scheduled to be in operation by the end of next year, which would be 12 years after it was first proposed by Apex Clean Energy of Charlottesville. As energy projects go, there’s been a minimum of fuss about this one — it’s certainly been no Mountain Valley Pipeline. It’s in a place where few people would see (although, admittedly, some who will don’t like it), and a Republican Botetourt County Board of Supervisors has liked the thought of the extra tax revenue. However, the 12-year timeframe shows how hard it is to build any kind of energy generation source other than solar.
Rocky Forge also indirectly illustrates the growth of the technology sector in Virginia and how that tech sector prefers renewables: What finally moved Rocky Forge from proposal to groundbreaking was a deal with Google to buy the power.
6. New College Institute, Martinsville
The higher education center was founded in 2006 with the idea that it could grow into a four-year school. It hasn’t, and declining birth rates are now set to reduce the traditional college-age population anyway. The center has struggled to find a mission and is going through an ugly breakup with the nonprofit foundation set up to raise money for it. New leadership is now in place, but Gov. Glenn Youngkin has repeatedly pushed to cut off funding unless there’s a new business plan in place. The new governor will have a big say in what happens here: What shall it be?
7. Institute for Advanced Learning and Research, Danville
When the textile industry collapsed, and Danville’s economy hit rock bottom, foresighted community leaders pushed for the creation of the Institute for Advanced Learning and Research, which has helped create a new economy in Danville based on advanced manufacturing. Any governor should want to know what’s going on here and what they can do to encourage more of it.
8. The Virginia Tech Corporate Research Center, Blacksburg
I take it for granted that any governor should be familiar with every state university, so I’ll pass on putting Virginia Tech on the list, but I’d definitely require a visit to the Virginia Tech Corporate Research Center. This is where the technology sector in the western part of the state is taking shape. Every time I visit there I come away amazed: They’re doing what there? The latest count is 230 companies that employ more than 3,500 people, with growing clusters in aerospace, autonomous technology, biotechnology and software.
9. The Fralin Biomedical Research Institute, Roanoke
This is the other pole in the New River/Roanoke Valley technology cluster. The state has helped fund some biotech labs in Roanoke unrelated to the institute, but the need for those labs wouldn’t exist if it weren’t for the institute, which in a short period of time (founded in 2010 in conjunction with the Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine) has established itself as a national center, especially for brain research. The Roanoke Valley is tying a lot of its economic future to the growth of a biotech industry, with the Fralin Institute powering it.
10. Radford University Carilion
Radford (as in Radford University) isn’t just in Radford. Radford University Carilion is what used to be the Carilion-owned Jefferson College of Health Sciences. Health care is a big deal everywhere, but it’s especially big business in the Roanoke Valley. Nationally, we have a shortage of nurses, and Radford is part of the solution. To understand the economy of the Roanoke Valley once would have involved a visit to the Shaffers Crossing rail yard; now it really ought to start here. (Disclosure: Carilion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.)
11. The Amtrak station-to-be in Christiansburg
When Amtrak returned to Roanoke in 2017 after a 40-year absence, some were skeptical about how much ridership it would generate. The skeptics have been proven wrong. The route is so popular that a second train has been added, and there’s now a station under construction in Christianburg so that service can be extended to the New River Valley. (On the times when I’ve taken the train back to Roanoke, the final leg from Lynchburg to Roanoke has been dominated by students at Virginia Tech and Radford.) Let’s not forget that this is a state-funded route; that’s why statewide candidates should understand why it’s so important to the Roanoke Valley and, soon, the New River Valley.
12. The train station in Bristol
Why here? Because there are lots of people in Southwest Virginia who are keen for that Amtrak route to get extended past Christiansburg all the way to Bristol (and, at that point, probably on into Tennessee). Seeing the train station in Bristol isn’t really about seeing a building; it’s about understanding the depth of the desire to have passenger rail service. If that ever happens, it will be because the state funds it, not the feds.
13. Virginia Military Institute, Lexington
Here’s an exception to my intent not to list every state-supported school on the theory that a candidate should know to visit them anyway. (The University of Virginia’s College at Wise is another exception, which I mentioned in the original column, because geography makes it prone to being overlooked.) VMI makes the list simply because it’s so different from all our other schools — and because it has sparked such controversy over the years. Some Democrats, in particular, have questioned whether Virginia needs a state-supported military school. That’s not a new question; a state study in 1928 actually recommended that VMI be shut down. Any statewide contender ought to see VMI so they can speak with firsthand knowledge, whatever their position might be.
14. Washington and Lee’s solar-powered parking lot, Lexington
While a candidate is in Lexington, they can stop by W&L to see its solar-powered parking lot. Why is that important, unless you’re looking for a parking space, especially one in the shade? Here’s why: One solution to developing more solar power, but not taking up farmland, is to develop more “distributed solar,” aka “rooftop solar.” One unique solution is to put solar panels over top of parking lots. Del. David Bulova, D-Fairfax County, had a bill this year that would have allowed local governments to require developers to put solar panels over top of lots of a certain size. The governor vetoed it. One argument against parking lot solar: It’s more expensive, which is why even some solar developers have been skeptical. However, if we’re really pursuing “all of the above” energy, this is definitely above.
15. Volunteer fire and rescue departments, anywhere in rural Virginia
One of the hidden crises in rural Virginia is the declining membership in volunteer fire and rescue departments. There are lots of reasons for that — times have simply changed and many people no longer have the time or inclination to do this kind of volunteer work. In rural areas, though, it’s essential — and the cost of providing full-time paid fire and rescue is beyond the means of many counties. All our statewide contenders are from metro areas; to really understand the challenges confronting rural areas, perhaps each one should volunteer to run a shift at some rural department. Cardinal’s Richmond-based political reporter Elizabeth Beyer had this story earlier this year about some of the funding challenges facing volunteer departments; Cardinal’s Danville-based Grace Mamon had this story about departments in Pittsylvania County.
Earlier, I mentioned Interstate 81: Here’s a case where issues overlap. Many counties along I-81 find their local first responders spend a lot of time tied up on incidents on the interstate, making it difficult to respond to other calls in those counties. Last fall, state Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County, organized a meeting where Pulaski County first responders could explain that to House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth.
16. The paper mill in Covington
The company name keeps changing — it’s now Smurfit Westrock — but the mill’s presence in Covington has been consistent since 1899. It makes the list not just because it’s a major employer (about 1,000 people) or because it’s a major emitter of greenhouse gases (about 2.5 million tons, all perfectly legal, according to one recent report), but because it also symbolizes the importance of the forestry industry in the western part of the state. By some measures, forestry is the state’s third-biggest industry. Our next governor might want to know how that industry works.
17. U.S. 220 in Henry County
Community leaders in Martinsville and Henry County have long pushed for better roads, especially north to Roanoke and south to Greensboro, North Carolina. They were among the leaders of a failed drive to create Interstate 73. The focus lately has been on getting improvements to the existing U.S. 220, which is a winding road south of Martinville — until you get to the state line, at which point the road suddenly improves in North Carolina. I’m sure people in a lot of Virginia would love to show potential statewide leaders their local bad roads. In Martinsville and Henry County, this is the one to see.
18. Prince Edward Elementary, Farmville
School construction and maintenance have always been a local responsibility, with a few exceptions here and there. That worked once upon a time, but rising costs have made that difficult for many rural communities. The best (or worst) example is Prince Edward Elementary in Prince Edward County, where a leaky roof has left one room unusable.
Nine localities in Virginia have the authority to raise sales taxes to pay for schools. Prince Edward has long sought to be the 10th and has been thwarted in Richmond. Some Democrats have wanted to extend that authority to all localities; Youngkin has vetoed that. The opposition has been a mix of concern about raising taxes generally and concern that the sales tax, in particular, is a regressive tax. In response, Prince Edward County has now raised the real estate tax rate to help pay for repairs at the school.
Is that a better or worse way to do it than a sales tax? Opinions might vary. Still, we’re looking to poor counties to tax themselves when the state is sitting on record surpluses. Should we be looking at more state funding for school maintenance? Here’s a good place to look at some real-world consequences.
19. Other Prince Edward County schools
Here’s another reason a candidate should visit Prince Edward County: the state’s funding formula for schools, the Local Composite Index. Last year, the formula found that Prince Edward County, a county where the median household income is $57,304 and where 58.57% of the students live in poverty, is better able to pay for its schools than Prince William County, where the median household income is $123,193 and 32.69% of the students live in poverty. No, that doesn’t make any sense, but that’s how the formula works. Prince Edward isn’t the only county that’s out of sync, but it’s as good a place to see this problem as any. The problem is that fixing the formula in a way that doesn’t deprive a locality of funding (or drive up the statewide cost) is hard to do. That’s a good reminder to everyone that governance isn’t always glamorous.
20. The Patrick County hospital
Or, should we say, the former Patrick County hospital. Pioneer Community Hospital closed in 2017, a stark reminder of how financially stressed rural hospitals are these days. Many depend on Medicaid funding, which is why the implications of the One Big Beautiful Bill in Washington are such a concern to many in the health care industry. Whatever a candidate’s views on the matter, they need to accommodate those complicating facts.
Patrick has had a particularly bad run of luck. First, the hospital closed. Then a Chicago company came in, bought the property and vowed to reopen the facility — but didn’t. That company’s CEO is now under indictment in Chicago on multiple fraud charges, unrelated to the Patrick County venture, and has left the country. He’s now practicing plastic surgery in Dubai. Fortunately, a more reputable Tennessee company is now trying to reopen the hospital.
21. The hospitals in Martinsville and South Boston
Why there? Because they’ve closed their labor and delivery units. This is a consequence of changing demographics. Between an aging population and declining birth rates, those communities no longer have enough expectant mothers to make labor and delivery profitable for the hospitals. However, there are still women in those communities having babies; they just have to go farther for services. The lack of those units also makes those communities less attractive for younger couples who might want to move in. It’s unclear how the state can fix those problems, but a statewide official should understand that these problems exist.
22. Greensville County
There are many reasons to visit Greensville. It’s a community that’s been hard hit by some plant closures. It’s also listed by the site Broadband Now as having the lowest percentage of broadband access in the state: 35.2% of the population. It’s possible that number is skewed by the population at Greensville Correctional Center. Still, some neighboring counties in eastern Southside are also at the low end of the spectrum: Brunswick County comes in at 37.6%, Charlotte County at 38.6%. Charlotte’s percentage might also be skewed by the growing Amish population there. Nonetheless, Southside in general has the lowest broadband access in the state, lower even than in mountainous Southwest Virginia. A statewide officeholder should understand firsthand that not everybody has internet access.
23. The Microsoft data center in Mecklenburg County. Or Mecklenburg County High School.
Data centers have gotten a bad name in some parts of Virginia. The energy challenges they present are very real — that’s one reason why so many energy-related visits are listed here. However, the Microsoft complex in Mecklenburg County illustrates a different point. Here’s a rural county that was able to build a new high school thanks to the tax revenue from that Microsoft data center.
24. The Volvo plant in Pulaski County
A lot of political chatter gets devoted to electric cars and whether or not they are going to replace gas-powered cars. However, we miss a market reality: While the demand for electric cars does seem to be slowing, the demand for electric trucks is spiking. Global sales are up by one-third, according to the International Energy Agency. In the United States, sales have surged 162% since 2020, according to the Environmental Defense Fund, from 94 in 2020 to 15,317 last year. One reason for such a sharp increase: fleet sales. You and I buy just one car at a time, but trucking companies may buy a lot of trucks at once. The Volvo truck plant in Pulaski County is at the center of that economic phenomenon. The plant this year produced (and sold) its 5,000th electric truck. We are now seeing other electric truck makers sprout up in the Roanoke and New River valleys; a potential statewide officeholder should understand this, even if they never intend to drive an EV.
25. Highland County
This exercise of listing places where candidates should visit began with pointing out that only three of our statewide candidates (Republican gubernatorial candidate Winsome Earle-Sears, Republican Attorney General Jason Miyares and Democratic challenger Jay Jones) had ever been to Lee County, the state’s westernmost county. I urged them all to visit there, not because they’ll find many votes, but to visibly demonstrate that they intend to represent all Virginians. There’s another place they can go to make the same point: Highland County.
This is the state’s least-populated county, with fewer than 2,300 residents. The graduating class at Highland High School this year was just 15. Highland’s a beautiful county, but the policy point is this: When Richmond makes laws, they apply to everyone — and sometimes those one-size-fits-all approaches don’t work so well in small counties. Case in point: The schools have to submit the same amount of paperwork as everyone else, but don’t have a bureaucracy to do that — not in a county where the superintendent himself might be on hall duty.
This isn’t a comprehensive list. I’m reminded of the song “You Never Even Called Me By My Name,” written by Steve Goodman and John Prine (and popularized by David Allen Coe) that purports to be “the perfect country and western song” but which the singer then admits falls short because the song never mentions “anything at all about mama or trains, or trucks, or prison, or getting’ drunk.” I’m sure I could come up with a list of 25 different places in the western part of the state that a statewide candidate should visit as a way to learn something policy-wise, as opposed to just sightseeing. For that, though, I’ll need your help. Got suggestions on where a candidate should visit in your community? Let me know by filling out this form.
Our fall Voter Guide is now live
We’ve posted how the statewide candidates answered our Voter Guide questionnaire. Well, the Democrats, anyway. None of the Republicans have replied, even though we sent them the questions more than a month ago. When they reply, we’ll let you know.
We’ll soon be sending out questionnaires to all the House of Delegates candidates on the fall ballot — as soon as the State Board of Elections releases the official list. During the recent primary, we had responses from almost every House candidate. Our Voter Guide also had five times as much traffic as it did during the fall campaign and was the second-best-read thing on the Cardinal site.
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