The U.S. Capitol.
The U.S. Capitol. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Last fall, Southwest Virginia sent H. Morgan Griffith to Congress for his eighth term, likely believing they were getting the man known for his devotion to the Constitution, love of freedom, and zealous opposition to executive overreach.

But that version of Griffith — the one I’ve known since 1997 — has yet to make an appearance this year.

At best, he’s been silent in the face of a historic barrage of executive orders. At worst, he’s become an apologist and errand boy for the men behind them — Stephen Miller and Project 2025’s mastermind Russell Vought.

On Friday, Griffith issued a newsletter about legislation to maybe, someday reclaim Congress’ authority. But he still did not challenge the unconstitutional executive orders. That’s not protecting and defending — it’s an obfuscation of fealty to this administration.

It feels like déjà vu here in the Ninth District. Rick Boucher won fourteen terms before ultimately rubber-stamping President Obama’s Cap-and-Trade legislation. More recently, Biden opened the southern border, played games with court orders, and pardoned his son after apparent self-enrichment off the presidential last name.

Boucher, Obama, and Biden were Democrats. We’ve come to expect higher taxes, runaway spending, and disregard for the Constitution from them. Southwest Virginia responded decisively. After Boucher’s Cap-and-Trade vote, he lost to Griffith. After Biden, Trump and Griffith won decisively — they promised not only to do better, but to be better.

But this administration’s spending eclipses even Biden’s. As of May, the U.S. has spent over $300 billion more than at the same point in 2024. Meanwhile, House Republicans have pursued a “big, beautiful bill” to deliver all promises at once — risking delay and poor results. With a small majority, even one priority at a time is hard enough. I experienced this as a Griffith aide in the House of Delegates.

In 2000, Virginia’s Republican governor didn’t distract the General Assembly with process while taxing by decree. However, today’s president does just that while House Republicans dutifully churn out performative legislation. The torrent of unconstitutional executive actions is on pace to surpass any prior presidency.

My most jarring moment? April’s “Liberation Day” spectacle. No offsetting tax cut. No emergency. Just a shock tariff rollout that broke faith with citizens, businesses, allies and free trade partners. These import taxes didn’t single out China. They also hit countries like Australia— our close ally with whom we had 20-year free trade agreement as well as trade surpluses, not deficits. Just weeks prior, our Embassy in Australia celebrated the 20-year anniversary of our free trade agreement — then came the tariff decree. Based on my review, the import taxes were also applied to over 100 other nations buying more from us than we buy from them.

Markets and the U.S. dollar plunged simultaneously — a rare and dangerous combination, and just the beginning of what’s coming. Businesses can’t effectively invest, hire or build without certainty. Allies can’t trust economic or military agreements if a tweet or press conference can nullify them.

The Constitution is clear: only Congress has the power to impose import taxes. The International Emergency Economic Powers Act does not grant the president that authority. And there wasn’t even an emergency.

What was Griffith’s contemporaneous response to this outrage? He kept voting the Project 2025 party line and studied old maps to find justification for renaming the Gulf. How does that name change protect and defend the Constitution or taxpayers?

If Republicans don’t fight back before the midterms, the damage — to our credibility, the rule of law, and our economy — could last for decades. Who can trust a nation whose agreements and laws can be nullified by a single man?

More temporary presidential trade concessions may delay the pain. But the longer Griffith waits, the worse it will be. With a slim 221–218 majority, a shrewd, experienced legislator with an impeccable conservative record like Griffith holds all the cards he needs.

I know he’s capable. I saw it firsthand as his intern, driver, PAC coordinator and legislative aide. Griffith taught me about the rule of law. He inspired me to go to law school. I urge him now to be the conservative he trained me to be. His oath is to the Constitution — not the President.

He should stop following Boucher’s path — and also stop mimicking Biden’s enablers and apologists. Virginia’s motto isn’t Sic Semper Populares. It’s Sic Semper Tyrannis.

In 1776, the tyrant was a king taxing by decree. In 2025, it’s a term-limited president doing the same.

If H. Morgan Griffith won’t defend the Constitution, the Rule of Law, and the Commonwealth — who will?

If not now, when?

Steven Lawrence is a lawyer in Abingdon and a former legislative aide.

Steven Lawrence is a lawyer in Abingdon and a former legislative aide.